Kioh Jeong
The path from school to work in Korea has the following characteristics:
-Vocational high schools and junior colleges are more active in assisting
their graduates to find jobs compared to universities;
-The schools´ role is limited in assisting students to find jobs
after graduation, and those with lower school attainment typically
do not remain employed longer in their first job compared with the
students completing higher education.
-University graduates´ major path to employment is the recruitment
examination held by big companies;
-Work experience before graduation (fieldwork practice) is an important
factor in finding jobs. It is more effective in the case of academic
high school graduates;
-Informal recommendation by friends or family is still the most frequent
path to employment in the labour market. The lower the worker´s school
attainment the greater his/her dependency on this informal path;
-The public employment service plays the almost negligible role in
assisting students to find employment.
At the risk of oversimplification, the labour market in Korea has been
divided into two distinctive sectors. One, the primary sector, is that
of large-scale employers, both private and public. The other sector
consists of services and manufacturing jobs in small and medium-sized
enterprises (SMEs). The former has been characterised by a very stable
structure of lifelong employment and relatively well-developed, on-the-job
learning opportunities in the internal labour market. In the latter,
the job turnover rate is usually high, and public labour market training
serves only a small number of workers in this sector.
The secondary market covers two-thirds or over of total employment.
Jobs in this sector, except some established professions, show a very
low degree of professionalization, as these markets do not usually draw
attention to specialization. An National Statistic Office (NSO) survey
in 1996 found that the mismatch between school majors and current workers
jobs is far higher with vocational high school graduates than in university
graduates. Junior college graduates statistics fit in between. The results
of the survey imply that Korea still has a very big volume of underdeveloped
labour at the lower ladders of the national skill profile, where labour
mobility inevitably tends to be high.
The current economic crisis has forced the Korean economy to hurry
long-delayed structural adjustments. An employment survey released in
September 1997 by the NSO, revealed some important aspects of the changes
in the labour market hit by unprecedented unemployment between July
1997 and July 1998:
-The total labour force participation rate decreased from 62.9% to
61.4%; from 76.3% to 76.0% for male workers, from 50.2 to 47.6% for
female workers;
-The unemployment rate increased dramatically from 2.2% to 7.6%;
-Unemployment was highest in the 15 to 19 and 20 to 29 age groups,
3 to 6 times higher than other age groups;
-The highest increase in unemployment was borne by simple craft
skilled workers, manual and operational job seekers, and high
school graduate workers.
The economic recession has greatly influenced the general features
of youth transition from school to work. For a long time, labour force
participation of youth have decreased concurrently with increasing entrance
into higher education. The economic crisis further promoted this trend.
At the same time, university and college students temporarily leaving
study also increased due to decreasing family income. It is observed
that university graduates are descending to the lower skill market,
thereby increasing unemployment among high school graduates. They are
marked with the highest unemployment rate, and should be given prime
consideration as an at-risk group. They are largely composed of general
high school graduates who gave up entering university and those who
lost jobs in manufacturing. On the other hand, the unemployment among
university and college graduates is becoming an urgent problem. In terms
of the volume of graduates leaving the school system, junior colleges
and universities are the major supplier of workers entering the labour
market. Another important point is that the enrollment figure for vocational
high schools is 700 thousand students, for junior colleges and universities
the figure is 1,500 students. Those students are the legitimate interest
group concerning employment prospects.
On the other hand, one must note that considering the volume of leavers
from the education system every year, contrasted with the notably high
and increasing participation rate of aged workers in Korea, the Korean
economy should have kept increasing by over five thousand jobs a year.
However, the Korean economy had already begun losing jobs by around
1990. Labour market observers diagnosed declining employment as a result
of the loss of job creation and of weakening competitiveness in manufacturing
industries. This decreasing trend might have continued between 1994-1997,
if not for the government´s wrongful intervention and the use of expanded
foreign loans to artificially boost the economy, which finally culminated
into the foreign currency crisis. At present, the employment adjustment
factor explains over half of the unemployment rate.
The government has responded to overflowing unemployment through various
budgetary programs of active labour market policies, including public
employment services and training programs. With more than 10 billion
US dollars a year of expenditure, unemployment allowances and subsidized
work comprises the biggest portion of expenditure now. In that, the
current emphasis of government action is put upon short-term social
protection and job security. Criticism against current policy measures
is growing because of the questionable cost-effectiveness of the programs.
The dilemma is that the government spends vast amounts of money on subsidized
work in industries, while strongly recommending simultaneous employment
adjustment within enterprises, necessarily increasing unemployment.
In 1998, over 350 thousand people enrolled in these training programs,
run by 999 institutions including 150 higher education institutions.
However, these programs are not considered effective enough to achieve
their objectives. The weakness of the programs was analyzed in several
points: quality of the programs, limited consideration of learners,
and lack of clear job-orientation. Less than 20% of those enrolled become
employed. The current training programs might be viewed as quick-fix
social protection, rather than skill formation leading to employment.
Particular consideration is being given to those graduating universities
without job. Even before the economic crisis they were known as spending
long period of job-search. Under a targeted employment promotion package
prepared by the government for this group, 17,000 jobs were offered
in the form of subsidized work or internship, and 10,000 people will
be trained for jobs. Policy makers gradually began to shift the policy
direction from simple training provision to the job creation and the
collaboration for school-to-work transition. For example, the government
began to fund the expansion of jobs and training information system
linking employment service organizations. Fortunately enough, the rapidly
growing infra structures of information network seem to be of great
help for the development in these directions.
A study by the Korea Research Institute for Vocational Education and
Training (KRIVET), after extensive research on unemployment training
programs, concluded by following five remarks:
-High level of the mismatch between the study at school and the job
opportunity is the main cause of unemployment of those with high educational
attainment;
-Youth and unskilled workers with low educational attainment became
exposed to the high risk of long-term unemployment;
-Significant loss of human assets is taking place due to the downward
job seeking by the university and college graduates majorly from those
who were employed in managerial and clerical work.
The survey developed by the KRIVET reported that among the government
funded re-employment training programs, those run by the higher education
institutions were found to do the least effort to find jobs for the
trainees. Many experts in vocational education and training suggested
that career guidance should be encouraged and systematically embedded
in the school system to address the rising unemployment. However, in
this critical situation, what matters at first is not so much the quality
of student´s individual career decision and job search behavior but
rather the structural problem of programs and curricular contents that
do not adapt themselves to the changing industrial demands. For the
vocational high schools, closed and unchanging teaching force has been,
over a decade, the major obstacle to the desirable curricular change.
As a result, the dropout rate in the vocational high schools continues
to increase.
Amid the rising higher educational aspirations of the people, the government
legislated, in 1990, a law obligating local authorities to increase
enrollment of vocational high schools equal to that of academically
oriented institutions. Strong emphasis was placed upon this policy,
supplying a workforce from vocational high schools to manufacturing
industries, which had already begun to lose competitiveness. As a result,
during the first half of 1990s, vocational high school enrollment figures
increased from 35.5% in 1990 to 42.2% in 1995. The government policy
has been sharply criticized by educators in general and some industrial
policy experts. They argued that the government subsidized the marginalizing
industries indirectly by supplying cheap labour via the vocational high
schools, and through this, the government has only delayed necessary
industrial adjustment, thus suppressing individual development. As a
pillar of upper secondary education, during the initial stages of industrialization,
it effectively served the rapidly developing economy, while later becoming
a sector of typical educational stigma, just a manpower vessel impinging
the developing economy. We should now redefine vocational education´s
role within the education system by re-articulating interdependencies
with academic high schools and post secondary higher education institutions.
In 1998, there are more than 100,000 institutions of which most are
run on proprietary basis. Students of formal institutions, before or
after graduation used to attend programs on those institutions for the
purpose of preparation for jobs. The non-formal education and training
sector features far more dynamics than formal education sector. However,
the quality and performance of the programs is not assured due to the
poor financial condition and managerial instability. However, if one
is to identify the primary pathways to work for the Korean youth, the
non-formal education and training institutions should come first. Currently,
institutions participating in the run of government funded training
for the unemployed are coming mostly from this sector.
There exists a striking imbalance between the rapidly expanded size
of schooling and the skill profile of the total population that has
improved very slowly. The man power outlook, 1998, made by the KRIVET
summarized the national skill profile as "overflow of low skills,
and a shortage of high skills". The report explains the Korean
economic crisis in the light of the manpower limit that hinders structural
adjustment in the economy. The outlook observed the demands for refined
skills, particularly in services and managerial occupations, which can
be met only by education and training at the tertiary level. The skill
base of the Korean economy was, from the beginning of 1990´s, already
lagging far behind the level to secure sustainable development into
a fully industrialized economy. Now, of the economically active population
aged 25 to 64, workers with school attainment below junior high school
are 39% and high school graduate are 41%.
Few opportunities for adult learning and the lack of lifelong learning
perspectives and practices are other substantial indicators of segmentation.
An important weakness of the Korean education system is that once one
leaves schools, if not employed in a big enterprise, one can get little
or no opportunity to come back to acquire new skills. For adult learners,
various impediments exist in Korea: rigid school enrollment policy,
long work hours, insufficient provision of adult learning programs,
lack of government concern for adult learning and so on. In Korea, opportunities
for higher education are not dispersed among youth. In a way, Korean
universities play the role of gatekeeper of the segmented labour market
and, to that extent, form the biggest obstacle to skill development
of the whole workforce. It was not until 1993, when the government enacted
the Employment Insurance Act, that the government came to recognize
that skill development of the adult workforce should become a national
agenda. The Employment Insurance Act stipulates that employment insurance
funds should finance vocational competence development activities: promotion
of in-plant training, job training for the unemployed, and training
for employment adjustment.
The case of the primary market described earlier, employers have little
motivation to help and invest in education and training outside of enterprise.
Employers have had a tendency to over-employ and to keep unnecessary
workers for future demands. Hence, the selection process, usually composed
of an open application and an entrance examination, incurs a high transaction
cost. In addition, because of the on-the-job vocational training, the
organizational cost of human resource management tends to be high. And
this system hurt the competitiveness of the organization. The cost-push
intensifies if wage increases as a result of union activity. So far,
these factors have discouraged large employers to lose interest in education-industry
cooperation. Not to mention the cooperation, on the contrary, prevailing
recruitment practices employed by the large employers have influenced
upon the curricula in colleges and universities since the recruitment
exam became the major pathway to the prestigious primary labour market,
regardless of the academic specialization of the applicants. However,
practices are gradually changing. The weight of the recruitment examinations
has been on a steady downward trend. Large companies are trying to diversify
their recruitment practices by introducing internship programs leading
to employment, recruitment throughout the whole year freed from the
one-shot basis, and so on. At the same time, the economic crisis and
employment adjustment has made the companies to abandon the life-long
employment practice.
In the secondary labour market, the National Technical Qualification
System played a great role of skill development promoting youth transition
into the manufacturing and construction industries. However, the inflexible
statutory qualification system gradually became outmoded in the light
of technological progress and occupational changes. The employment capacity
in the secondary labour market gradually shrank and technical qualifications
rapidly lost their validity. As a result, some junior colleges introduced
the employer-ordered instructional design in response to the industrial
changes, while most of the commercial vocational high schools reshuffled
the program in order to prepare their students for information processing
jobs in the computerized work environment. The government also initiated
a school-to-industry transition path. The government introduced the
one-year work experience program in the third year of vocational high
school leading to high school diploma. The 5-year experimental experience
is not deemed succesful. Participating businesses were too small and
do not have capacity to provide on-the-job training. The program simply
served the demand for cheap labour. As the demand for the employment
service increases, youth too are rushing into the public employment
service offices. The Public Employment Service Authority has expanded
the job information network. Despite the progress in this area, however,
institutions and schools are not substantially integrated into the job
information system, which is weakening the effectiveness of the information
system.
The Education Reform Commission 1994-1997 (ERC) worked out a series
of proposals that still serve as the basic framework upon which consecutive
policies have been developed. Among them, the Second Education Reform
Proposal (ERP 1996) is closely related with labour market issues. The
ERP was actually a package proposal combined with the Labour Reform
Proposal (LRP 1996) which was released in the second half of the same
year by the Labour Reform Commission. The objectives of the structural
adjustment promoted by the two proposals are to achieve flexible labour
market and enhanced skill bases that can accommodate technological development
and support further economic progress. The ERP and LRP were intended
as mutually complementary reforms in education and labour. The ERP 1996
includes many policy suggestions to shift vocational education from
a highly regulated institutional system to an interdependent complex
of autonomous initiatives and practices. Under this scheme, contractual
relations are developing between vocational high schools and higher
education institutions. By the same token, some junior colleges are
developing individual networks with industries. Being so used to the
regulation by highly institutionalized rules, it is difficult and painstaking
endeavor to create a feasible behavioral model.
In 1996, the newly enacted Foundation Act of Qualifications (FAQ) introduced
the assessment recognition and certification undertaken by private businesses.
Thirdly, the Vocational Education and Training Promotion Act (VETPA),
passed in 1996, stipulates that the government is responsible for the
building of networking bodies at the central and regional level; however,
no such bodies exist at the regional level yet. With the continuing
progress of overall democratization in society, various types of participatory
movements now prevail in Korea. Development of these participatory movements
would help reconcile the ruling practices with the Korean peoples´ older
culture of association, and thus, social partnership for vocational
education and training would develop.
Vocational high schools became a failing half of upper-secondary education
which undermines the foundation of government policy since 1990 to expand
vocational high schools in their current form. The policy was led by
a set of premises: first, the manufacturing industry was suffering a
labour shortage. Second, university and college graduates were in oversupply.
Third, the workforce is over-educated. However, the recent unemployment
survey data suggested that the government´s policy premises were very
dubious. The fact is rather that vocational high school expansion policy
since 1990 has worsened, not alleviated unemployment. The most viable
option to consolidate the upper-secondary institutions and programs
is to redefine the upper-secondary vocational education as a pathway
to both higher education and jobs, free from the severe competition
of college entrance examinations that have plagued academic high schools.
To do this, the development of totally new curricula is an unavoidable
pre-condition.
Despite the continuosly expanding size of the higher education, the
quality of higher education in Korea has failed to meet industrial demands.
Most labour market analysts consider the rapidly increasing unemployment
of young university graduates as a result more from their unpreparedness
than just from economic contraction. Although the ERPs of 1995 and 1996
pursued the objective of improving university and college programs so
that they would meet the industrial demand, they did not deal with the
necessary structural changes.